Assignment 4

Comparison of Media Portrayals of Defense Attorneys to Scholarly Research

 

            This paper begins by discussing how the role of defense attorneys is portrayed by the media through the television show The Practice by first examining the physical demographics of the defense attorneys themselves, including sex, race, age, and socioeconomic status. This is followed by discussions of the amount of time they spend engaging in different job related tasks, what types of cases they represent, and how their cases are resolved. The second part of the paper then examines some of these same topics as related to defense attorneys in the real world through the use of scholarly articles, documents, books, and interviews. While the television show may put forth one view of defense attorneys, the actualities of the profession might differ outside of the Hollywood studio. In what ways? Discuss briefly here.

            First, The Practice  does not portray any one type of person significantly moreso than another when dealing with the physical demographics of the defense attorneys on the show. The program, which focuses on six people working for a private law firm, has an equal number of males and females. At the beginning of the series of episodes I viewed for this paper, all three of the men were lawyers and only two of the females were, with the third female only being a secretary. However, after the third episode the secretary, Rebecca, passes the bar and also becomes a lawyer within the firm (Kelley, 2003c). This is the only hint of gender bias in regard to men being over-represented in the field. Another interesting element in the discussion of gender is that one of the females, Eleanor, is overweight. This would seem to be an attempt at a more realistic portrayal of a person by the media when considering the media’s overwhelming desire to only show “beautiful” people, especially when it comes to women.

            The second physical characteristic of the attorneys is their race. Although all of the attorneys are not white, as would be the stereotypical lawyer, all races are not displayed by the characters. The only two races represented are white and black, with one black male, one black female, and all other members being white. It should be noted that the female who was originally the secretary for the other attorneys was the black female, possibly illustrating the lower position of black females in American society as compared to other races and the opposite sex.

            In addition to gender and race, a third physical characteristic of the defense attorneys is their age. This did not vary, as did the previous demographics that have been discussed. All of the attorneys were young, portrayed in their late twenties and early to mid thirties. No college-aged, new law school graduates worked for this firm, nor did any person in their “middle-aged” years or beyond. Also, none of the members were married, and only one had a child from a previous marriage.

            A final physical demographic examined is socioeconomic status of the defense attorneys. While all are members of the middle class in their current position in life, not all came from this same background. Viewers are led to believe that Bobby, the founder of the firm, is from an upper-class family with a high-profile lawyer as a father. However, it is discovered that Bobby’s father is actually a janitor for a prestigious law firm, indicating that he comes from the lower class (Kelley, 2003h). The same is true of Eugene, the black male, who talks about providing a better life for his son than the one that he lived in the “bad” neighborhood he grew up in (Kelley, 2003g). Past socioeconomic status of the remaining attorneys is never addressed in these episodes.

            Moving on, a second way defense attorneys are portrayed in The Practice  revolves around the amount of time they dedicate to work-related tasks, such as doing research for cases, talking with their clients, preparing arguments, and actually being in court. First, the program shows the attorneys spending very little time doing research for their cases. In only four episodes did the lawyers actually engage in some sort of activity to research the facts of their case or possible arguments they could use. One of them, Jimmy, follows up on a lead to prove his clients’ innocence, and must interview witnesses and someone he believes is the real suspect (Kelley, 2003f). In another show, Eleanor researches a statute pertaining to crimes aimed at tourists to defend her client, who has seemingly been placed in double jeopardy after pleading out and then being re-arrested for the same offense (Kelley, 2003a). In a third episode, two of the defense attorneys explore possible defenses they can use for a client who shot an unarmed stalker who came onto his private property. They look back on other cases and they consult another lawyer for advice, who happens to be a client of theirs currently being held in custody on charges of first degree murder (Kelley, 2003i). The last time the lawyers do research is when a man enters the firm with a severed human head in his physicians’ bag. The attorneys must figure out if they are required to notify the police or if the situation falls under attorney-client privilege (Kelley, 2003j). Overall, these attorneys do not do much research for their cases, with only four of the nineteen cases shown receiving research.     

            A second job-related task would be the amount of time spent talking with clients. In every case they represented, the attorneys spent some time with their clients, either outlining how they want to go about their defense or trying to get the facts straight. The attorneys would see their clients in jail (Kelley, 2003b, f, g, i, j), at the clients’ own personal residence (Kelley, 2003d, i), or at the firm (Kelley, 2003a, b, c, e, g, h, i, j). In every instance where the police where questioning a client, the representing attorney was present (Kelley 2003e, f, h, i, j).

            Next, the attorneys spend almost no time preparing arguments for their cases. The only time one is seen doing so is when Rebecca is preparing for her first trial. She practices her opening and closing arguments several times and asks the other, more experienced attorneys for advice (Kelley, 2003i). However, viewers are led to believe that the others have engaged in oral preparations off-screen when on several occasions it is mentioned that the witnesses are prepared for their testimony and their answers have been rehearsed (Kelley, 2003b, g, h, j). But, any overt evidence of this sort of preparation is rare.

            By far, the job-related task displayed most often is courtroom proceedings. Aside from being in the firm and discussing personal situations, this is where the characters spend most of their time. Viewers are led to believe that trials take up a majority of a defense attorneys’ life. In every episode and for every case approached, the defense attorney is in the courtroom for one reason or another. While actual adversarial hearings are shown the most often (Kelley 2003a, b, c, d, e, h, i, j), bench trials (Kelley, 2003g), probable cause hearings (Kelley, 2003f), bail hearings (Kelley, 2003i), cases heard on appeal (Kelley, 2003g), and arraignments are all displayed as well (Kelley, 2003a, d, g). The attorneys also venture into the judges’ chambers from time to time to argue a case or to find an explanation for a verdict (Kelley, 2003a, d, g).

            A third way defense attorneys are portrayed by the media in The Practice  deals with what types of cases they choose to represent. Almost all of the cases are criminal cases. However, one case is a family court case that approaches a child custody issue. The child, in this instance, is a chimpanzee who has been trained to use and understand sign language (Kelley, 2003d). Three other cases are civil court cases, rather than criminal in nature, and two pertain to class action lawsuits against large companies, with the businesses being the defendants (Kelley, 2003b, f, i). Defendants accused of murder were the most common clients, with the attorneys representing eight murder cases (Kelley, 2003b, c, e, f, g, h, i, j) and one defendant accused of attempted murder (Kelley, 2003j). In one of these instances, the attorney was only co-counsel to a client who chose to defend himself (Kelley, 2003b). The remaining clients were accused of such crimes as theft (Kelley, 2003a, i), hitting a pedestrian with a car (Kelley, 2003h), violation of a water conservation law (Kelley, 2003a), and insurance fraud (Kelley, 2003f). As can be seen, the majority of defendants were accused of serious, violent crimes. These are the kinds of crimes that are stereotypically associated with defense attorneys.

            Finally, the last way defense attorneys are portrayed in The Practice  is related to how their cases were resolved. Were their clients found guilty or were they acquitted? If they were found not guilty, how did they “get off?” Not all of the cases were resolved at the end of the selection of episodes I viewed. Of the cases that were resolved, seven of the defendants were found not guilty (Kelley, 2003b, c, e, f, i, j) and three of the cases ended in convictions (Kelley, 2003a, g). In one of the civil cases, the client was suing a carnival clown for making derogatory remarks toward her about her weight. The court sided with the lady and the carnival had to pay her for psychological damages. The attorney won the case by appealing to the emotions of the jury (Kelley, 2003b). In one of the murder trials, the client was accused of killing his best friend during a gang initiation ritual. The defense attorney convinced the jury that the act of murder and the necessary component of mens rea was on trial, not the defendant’s gang affiliation, and the client was found not guilty (Kelley, 2003c). In the attempted murder case (Kelley, 2003j) and one of the theft cases (Kelley, 2003i), the attorney also convinced the jury that all the necessary elements were not there to convict the client of the crime. In the case where the murder defendant represented himself at trial, he was able to convince the jury not to convict him by having an emotional breakdown while on the witness stand (Kelley, 2003b). For two more murder cases the defendants were eventually acquitted because the real offenders were revealed. In each of these instances, a witness was turned into a suspect, and then shown to be the real killer through confession to the crime (Kelley, 2003e, f).

            How well do these portrayals measure up to defense attorneys in reality? That’s what the second part of this paper is going to explore. First, physical demographics of attorneys in the real world are not exactly as they are depicted in The Practice . While the show has an equal representation of both males and females, the same is not true in reality. During the 1980’s in Boston, where the show is based upon, 12.8 percent of lawyers were females and 87.2 percent were males (Curran, 1985:26). In 1984, women comprised one-fourth to one-third of all lawyers in the one hundred largest law firms in the United States (Morello, 1986:195). The number of females represented in the profession have increased since then. However, even though the percent of females admitted into law schools nationwide is almost equal to that of males, there is still an over-representation of males in the profession.. In small firms, as the one in The

Practice , females make up 42.42 percent of associates and only 16.30 percent of the partners in these firms (The NALP Foundation, 2002:1). Women as partners are far over-represented on the show, comprising 60 percent of the partners (one of the males is still awaiting partnership). Podgers (2000:84) believes the reason for the lack of women partners in private law firms in the United States is due to the lack of retention by these firms of their female attorneys. He blames several factors for women leaving firms, including discrimination, being treated unfairly, and lack of work. Podgers also notes that women have not been in the field as long as men have in many of these firms, and it takes time to work your way up to partnership, pointing out that not all over-representation of males is a product of current discrimination, but it may also be a product of time. It is possible that females are making up some ground, however. In a 2000 poll of women in the legal profession, 6.4 percent reported that there was no one of the opposite sex in their organization, indicating that all-women firms do exist (Samborn, 2000:26).

            Another physical demographic that can be compared to The Practice  is race. One-third of the defense attorneys on the show are black, and the remaining two-thirds are white. African-Americans make up 40 percent of the partners on the show, but only 3.48 percent of partners nationwide in reality. In Boston, this number is only 2.81 percent (The NALP Foundation, 2002:1). Blacks comprise 14.27 percent of associates nationwide, 10.11 percent of associates in firms of fewer than one hundred lawyers, and 10.59 percent of associates in Boston (The NALP Foundation, 2002:1). These numbers illustrate both the over-representation of African-American attorneys on The Practice  as compared to reality, and the under-representation of black lawyers in real life. In addition, Zemans (1987:632) states that “many of the most prestigious law firms were for many years the bastions of white, anglo-saxon,…males.” Evidence of this can still be seen in The Guide to Leading American Attorneys (1998:54-62) where, of the thirty-nine criminal defense lawyers represented, all are white males.

            A third physical demographic of attorneys is socioeconomic status. There was not much information given about past socioeconomic status of attorneys on the show, but we do know that two of the men came from lower-class backgrounds. While Zemans (1987:634) claims that the profession is likely to hold members from “high-status backgrounds…there is still a significant number of members of the bar, at least in the cities, whose fathers had substantially lower-status occupations.” Defense attorneys, and lawyers in general, earn salaries that place them in the upper-middle class. The average income of those lawyers who were just six months out of law school in 2000 was $88,280. The average for those in private practice was lower, at $80,000 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2000).

            A final demographic is age. The attorneys on the show are all in their late twenties to early to mid thirties. This is only partly representative of attorneys in the real world. At Banks and Morris, a private Tallahassee firm, all three lawyers are white males. Two are in their late twenties, but one is forty-nine (Dombrowsky, 2003). This is somewhat different from what is shown on television as far as age is concerned.

            Next, the first part of the paper looked at the different work-related tasks of the defense attorneys. The show would lead the audience to believe that attorneys spend most of their time in the courtroom at trial. Actual trial proceedings constitute only a small part of what lawyers do. Many lawyers will never argue a case in court (Zemans, 1987:628). Lawyers work includes conducting research, meeting with clients, and preparing briefs. Part of this preparation process is keeping informed of the latest laws and judicial decisions (Bureau if Justice Statistics, 2000). The defense attorneys on the show never read up on the latest laws or judicial decisions.

            Moving on, another topic discussed was the type of cases the defense attorneys represented. The most common was murder. This was not representative of actual statistics, where there were only 60 murder cases in the state of Massachusetts in 2000 (Sourcebook, 2001). While there were 11,171 cases of theft in Massachusetts for that year (Sourcebook, 2001), only two cases were represented on the show. A majority of the cases on the show were serious felonies, but these crimes only constituted 384 of the 50,451 felony cases filed in the First U.S. District Court in 2000 (Sourcebook, 2001). In addition, many of those defendants who went to trial did not hire private defense lawyers, but were defended by court-appointed counsel. Only 30.8 percent retained private counsel. This number increased to 33.4 percent for those charged with a felony. Only 2 percent of offenders charged with a violent crime used private counsel. Individuals accused of white collar crimes were the most likely to hire their own attorney (Harlow, 2000:3). There was only one instance of white collar crime shown on The Practice , constructing an inaccurate image of who is most likely to use a private defense attorney. Alexander Dombrowsky, a Tallahassee lawyer, handles mostly serious felonies, as do the attorneys on television. The most common type of offense he deals with is trafficking in cocaine (Dombrowsky, 2003). There were no instances of drug-related cases portrayed on the series. It is clear that there were many more serious, violent felonies committed on the show than what are actually committed, leading to an inflation in the representation of these types of cases.

            A final topic is the outcome of the cases tried in court by defense attorneys. On The Practice , all of their cases went to court, and seven of the ten cases that reached a conclusion ended in a not guilty verdict. None of the defendants plea bargained. Dombrowsky claims that 90 percent of his firms’ cases are settled by a plea bargain. Of the remaining ones that go to trial, 80 percent return a not guilty verdict (Dombrowsky, 2003). While he admit this number is high compared to the national average of 1.6 percent (Harlow, 2001:1), it is very similar to The Practice . In all the court systems in the United States in 1998, 72.8 percent of defendants with private counsel plead guilty, and 4.3 percent were found guilty at trial (Harlow, 2001:1). This is a much smaller percentage than the 30 percent of defendants who are found guilty at trial on the show. This higher percentage is a result of the total lack of plea bargaining on the television program, where all defendants go to trial.

            Overall, the television show The Practice  does not do an accurate job of portraying defense attorneys through their personal demographics, the different job-related tasks they perform, the types of cases they represent, or the outcomes of their cases. A more accurate depiction of this profession could be achieved. However, not all of the portrayals are necessarily bad representations of the judicial system. Hopefully, one day, some of the misrepresentations on the show as of today will actually be a reality. Maybe there will be equal opportunities for women and minorities. However, hopefully other aspects, such as the 70 percent acquittal rate, will not be fulfilled. It remains to be seen whether or not Hollywood, and the media in general, will continue to give false representations of crime and the criminal justice system, or if they will change their ways and try to reflect a more accurate picture.

 


Bibliography

 

A Media Sources:

Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003a). The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003b.)The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003c).  The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003d).  The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003e). The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003f). The Practice . February

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003g). The Practice . March

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003h). The Practice . March

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003i). The Practice . March

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Kelley, David E. (Producer), and Oz Scott (Director). (2003j.) The Practice . March

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B. Books, Articles, and Documents:

 

Anonymous. (1998). Guide to leading American attorneys. New York: American

 

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Author, Harlow, Caroline Wolfe, Ph.D. (2000). Defense Counsel in Criminal Cases.

 

            Retrieved April 2, 2003 from http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/dccc/pdf

 

 

Author, NALP Foundation for Law Career Research and Education. (2002). Women

 

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Author, Sourcebook Staff. (2001). Sourcebook of criminal justice statistics. Retrieved

 

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Curran, Barbara A. (1985). The lawyers statistical report. Chicago: American Bar

 

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Morello, Karen Berger. (1986). The invisible bar. New York: Random House.

 

 

Podgers, James. (2000, July). Losing Numbers. American bar association journal. 86 (1),

 

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Samborn, Hope Viners. (2000, September). High Hurdles for Women. American bar

 

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Zemans, Francis. (1987). Defense lawyers. In Janosik, Robert (Ed.). Encyclopedia of the

 

            American judicial system. (pp.628-634). New York: Charles Scribners’ Sons.

 

 

C. Interviews:

 

Dombrowsky, Alexander. Defense Attorney. (2003). Interviewed by Christina Rivers.

 

            April 5, 2003. Tallahassee.